Today is the Accession Day of Jammu and Kashmir. Capt Deewan, the ADC of Kashmir's last king, Maharaja Hari Singh, told me the dramatic moments of this day in 1947 when the reluctant king agreed to accede to India. This full page article was published in The Tribune on October 26, 2011. A first ever interview of the ADC, who died two years later. The late Maharaja is said to have adopted him later. Capt Deewan performed last rites of the late Maharaja some years later, instead of his son Karan Singh.
Read on.
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THE
MAHARAJA SPURNED MOUNTBATTEN’S ADVICE
“If you do not hear Indian planes tomorrow morning, shoot me in my
sleep” is what
Maharaja Hari Singh told him after signing the
Instrument of Accession on October 26, recalls the
Maharaja’s ADC in
conversations with JUPINDERJIT
SINGH
The
Maharaja with the ADC
Captain Diwan
Singh was fondly described as an adopted son of
Maharaja
Hari Singh. The last ADC to the last
Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir is
now 87 years old but remembers vividly those dramatic weeks that led
to the state's accession to India. Excerpts from conversations with
him are reconstructed below :
"There was considerable talk about the options before the state, of
acceding either to India or Pakistan, in early 1947. But it acquired
urgency during Lord Mountbatten's visit to the kingdom between June 18
and June 23. I have reasons to believe that the option was officially
raised for the first time by Lord Mountbatten."
Mountbatten and the
Maharaja did not discuss the issue till the second
last day of the former's six-day trip to Srinagar. On that day,
Maharaja Sahib and Lord Mountbatten went on a drive together.
Maharaja
sahib was at the wheels and there was no one else in the car. I was
later told that Lord Mountbatten had asked the King to join Pakistan.
"I advise you to join Pakistan," were his exact words.
We were in another car following the two of them. The
Maharaja
apparently asked Mountbatten for a meeting next day, i.e. June 23 at
11 am with their entire staff to discuss the issue.
The
Maharaja, however, did not go to the meeting the next day.
Instead, he handed over a letter to me for Lord Mountbatten in which
he stated that he would not be able to go ahead with the meeting. I
handed over the letter to a staff member of Lord Mountbatten. From a
distance I could hear Mountbatten shouting. He was out of my ear shot
but he was clearly fuming.
As the partition between India and Pakistan became a reality in
August, Jammu and Kashmir was on tenterhooks though the
Maharaja's
heart was always with India. He would often say, "I can't send my
population to the hawks" whenever the subject cropped up.
Indeed Jinnah, the first Sadar-e-riyasat of Pakistan, tried to meet
the
Maharaja twice. He first requested to meet him officially to
discuss the Accession to Pakistan but the
Maharaja declined. This was
before August. Later, in September, Jinnah again wanted to spend some
days in the valley on health grounds as he was not well and claimed
doctors had advised him to rest for a few days and away from his usual
environment. But the
Maharaja again declined. He could see through
Jinnah's move and was never inclined towards him.
At the same time, the
Maharaja was not happy at the insistence of
Pandit Nehru to involve Shiekh Abdullah in the process. Sheikh
Abdullah was in jail at that time as he had started a Quit Kashmir
movement in 1946. The
Maharaja was upset, especially after Sheikh
Abdullah hung the ruler's pictures round the neck of dogs and took out
a procession in the valley. Much later, after his release and
Kashmir's accession to India, Sheikh Abdullah wrote a letter to the
Maharaja saying he was never against him personally and launched the
movement for ushering in democracy in the Valley.
Pandit Nehru of course had a soft corner for Sheikh Abdullah although
even he had to jail him later. Nehru possibly nursed a grudge against
the
Maharaja who did not allow him to enter the state in 1946 when the
Quit Kashmir movement was boiling. While it is widely believed that
the
Maharaja put him under arrest at Kohila bridge near Uri, the
gateway to the valley, I would like to put on record that actually
Nehru was never arrested. He was merely stopped from going to the
Valley and politely told to stay in the official guest house of the
Maharaja near the bridge.
The
Maharaja sent his personal cook and servants to take care of
Pandit Nehru. After a few days, Maulana Azad, the then President of
the Indian National Congress came seeking Pandit Nehru's release,
which surprised the
Maharaja. I remember the
Maharaja exclaim, " But
he was never arrested. He is free to go." But Pandit Nehru was furious
at not being allowed to enter the Valley and that began an unfortunate
personality clash between the two well-meaning personalities.
It is right to say that the unexpected tribal attack prompted the
Maharaja to sign the Instrument of Accession with India and hastened
the process. He felt Jinnah had ditched him. It also strengthened his
belief that future of Jammu and Kashmir was secure with India and not
with Pakistan. Moreover, Pakistan already had cut off all supplies of
essential items like oil, vegetables and pulses, to India.
The
Maharaja in fact had a prenomination about the attack by tribals,
which began on the night of Oct 21. On that day, the King was
scheduled to visit Bhimber Tehsil in Mirpur (now in Pakistan) and left
for the destination from Amar Palace in Jammu in the morning. However,
when he reached Jewel Chowk, a few kms from the palace, he suddenly
asked us to go to Kathua instead. Later, he flew to Srinagar in the
late afternoon. That same night tribals attacked and we learnt later
that a group of tribals were waiting to ambush him in a forest on way
to Poonch.
The King flew to Srinagar and when we reached there by road the next
morning, everyone knew about the tribal invasion. Much to my surprise,
I saw the King in battle fatigue. He wanted to go to the front. He
asked us to get ready for battle and save the motherland. It took a
lot of persuasion by me, Brigadier Rajendra
Singh and others to make
him change his mind. Brigadier Rajendra
Singh, who was the Chief of
his Army, assured him that he would be leading his troops to the
front.
I was present there. I remember an agitated Mahaharajs saying, "What
would they do to me, kill me, let them." But Brig Rajendra
Singh told
him he would not be killed. "They would treat you well, force you to
sign on papers and show the world that the
Maharaja has acceded to
Pakistan," the Brigadier told him.
When the tribals were close to Srinagar on Oct 25, the King had to
leave. Again it was done after much persuasion. He left on oct 25
night at 2 am with me in the car. He was quiet on the way. But the
moment we reached Jammu in the morning, he took a step out of the car,
turned his head towards Kashmir and said with melancholy, " we have
lost Kashmir."
Later that day, he signed the accession. The papers were signed in the
Maharaja's room in the Amar Palace. The Instrument of Accession was
signed in
Hari Niwas, Jammu.
Contrary to propaganda abroad that India forcibly got the documents
after the tribal invasion, the instrument was actually signed before
Indian troops landed in Kashmir. In fact, the
Maharaja had laid down a
clause (and this is well-known) that if Indian troops did not land,
the agreement would become null and void.
The
Maharaja actually laid down the condition that if the Indian Army
and the Air Force did not reach the Valley the next day, the accession
would stand cancelled.
Later that night, he told me, " If you don't see or hear Indian planes
in the morning, shoot me in my sleep."